To the Honorable Representatives Tlaib and Omar:
As a fellow American and Democrat who is also a Jew and a Zionist, I write to you out of a concern for the atmosphere of tension that has attended your election to Congress. Both of you achieved historic "firsts" in the House of Representatives, the occasion of your taking office should be a moment for all Americans to take pride in the fulfillment of our highest ideals of inclusiveness and empowerment. It is thus regrettable that what should be a happy occasion has been marred by political squabbling.
I realize that some of this acrimony is political artifice. There are always opportunists on either side of the partisan divide ready to trade in stereotypes and fearmongering. It was inevitable that your election would be met with alarmist rhetoric, no matter what you did or said upon taking office. You were going to be (and have been) the subject of unfair scrutiny, exaggerated accusations, and ugly abuse because of who you are, rather than what you stood for.
That being said, however, any fair assessment must acknowledge that you have made mistakes and missed opportunities. Some of the furor that has attended your political debut can be put down to partisan bluster and bigotry, but not all. Representative Tlaib's association with activists that broadcast hateful rhetoric has raised doubts, and Representative Omar's recent statements on Twitter have aroused fear and concern.
These doubts and fears cannot be reduced to expressions of prejudice. Why is this the case? Criticism of Israel and support for the Palestinian cause are not uncommon even among American Jews, after all. But two factors make this discourse a fraught subject for Jewish-Americans:
1)Jews here in the US live constantly with the legacy of antisemitism. Many Jewish-Americans lost family in (or are the descendants of survivors of) the Holocaust. Beyond that, institutionalized antisemitism that denied Jews opportunities or subjected them to harassment and violence is a living memory here in the US. Though the worst aspects of such antisemitism have been ameliorated, latent antisemitism remains endemic in American society (our president's characterization of Nazi protesters in Charlottesville as "very fine people" is only one of many examples one might offer), and criticism of Israel has, in some quarters, become a mode in which antisemitic bigotry may be expressed. It is no longer socially acceptable (as it once was) to accuse Jews of being congenitally miserly or dishonest, but antisemites will seize upon the pretext of Israel to accuse Jews of having divided loyalties or of using their money to manipulate policy. For this reason those who enter the public arena to broadcast opposition to Israeli policy are met with extreme caution, and incite condemnation if they employ rhetoric that raises the specter of antisemitism.
2)Most Jews here in the US view anti-Zionism as a form of antisemitism. Here I would apply a very narrow definition of "anti-Zionism": it does not signify mere criticism of Israel or some aspect of Israeli policy, but the outright denial of Israel's right to exist. Whatever theoretical justifications one might give for espousing anti-Zionism, the practical ramifications of Israel's dissolution for the international Jewish community would be so catastrophic that most Jews are not inclined to grant any distinction between anti-Zionism and antisemitism. The Holocaust could not have happened if Israel had existed, and the surest safeguard against a future anti-Jewish genocide is the continued presence of Israel on the world stage. Thus an overt, proactive, and unambiguous embrace of a two-state solution is the minimum threshold that most Jews will demand of any critic of Israel to be acknowledged as dealing in good faith. In terms of US policy, because most Jews understand that the US-Israeli alliance is vital to Israel's security, anyone perceived as advocating a termination of that alliance will be suspect of being anti-Zionist and, therefore, antisemitic.
These two dimensions of Jewish-American political life have conditioned the response to your actions and pronouncements since taking office. To be sure, much of the invective that has been hurled at you expresses bigotry as heinous and destructive as antisemitism. But some of the criticism you have encountered arises from your (or those associated with you) having trespassed upon concerns to which Jewish-Americans have persistently and understandably been sensitive.
There are many reasons to regret this situation. The integrity of the Democratic coalition is one. You both deservedly enjoy a high profile in the national image of the Democratic caucus, but it would be a shame for that exposure to cause avoidable disunity in the party. Though Jews are a small community, they have historically skewed Democratic, giving between 70% and 80% of their votes to Democratic candidates in national elections. As a fellow Democrat I would hate to see the GOP make significant inroads in that support, especially in an era that has frequently seen national contests decided by five-digit voting margins.
Beyond this, further miscommunication and/or disharmony would represent a tragically missed opportunity for the cause of peace. Few communities are as engaged with the issue of Israel-Palestine here in the US (or the world) as that of Jewish-Americans, and most Jewish-Americans (59%, according to a recent survey) support the creation of a Palestinian state. American Jews are thus a natural audience and a potential resource for those concerned with the struggle for Palestinian statehood, and anyone who approaches them seeking to implement a two-state solution in Israel-Palestine will find many enthusiastic allies.
This stands in stark contrast to another, much larger community deeply invested in the issue of US-Israeli relations: that of American Evangelical Christians. For most Christian Zionists the establishment of a Palestinian state would impede cherished religious goals. Thus those committed to keeping US policy focused on the realization of Palestinian statehood are well advised to cultivate unity and coordination.
Yair Rosenberg, writing in Tablet, has stated that the current moment calls for dialogue, not denunciation. He is of course correct, and it is in that spirit that I write you today. If you reach out to the Jewish-American community and are minimally sensitive to its concerns, you will find many eager to work with you on a whole array of issues. If you have not done so already, I am sure that there are many, many synagogues across the nation where you would be very welcome to speak (my own included) and be met with open and respectful engagement. Whatever happens, your election is an exciting moment for the Democratic party and the United States of America. With a little bit of effort, patience, and mutual political sensitivity, it could be a very hopeful moment for Israel, Palestine, and the whole world.
Please forgive anything in this letter that expresses conditions of which you were already aware or ignorance of efforts you have already undertaken. I write as much to express my own desire for amity as to instruct others. I hope in any case that this message finds you both well, and I thank you for your time and attention.
Sincerely,
Andrew Meyer
